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Olympos of Bithynia

Συγγραφή : IBR , Giourgali H. (28/9/2003)
Μετάφραση : Panourgia Klio

Για παραπομπή: IBR , Giourgali H., "Olympos of Bithynia",
Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία
URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=8800>
Όλυμπος Βιθυνίας - δεν έχει ακόμη εκδοθεί Olympos of Bithynia - δεν έχει ακόμη εκδοθεί 
 

1. Geographic location

Mount Olympos extends south of Prousa to an altitude of approx. 2.500 metres.1 To the south-west it is separated from the area of Atroa and the mountains of Phrygia by the River Ryndakos. To the East it is defined by the River Gallos, which flows northeast and merges with the River Saggarios.

The mountain’s south slope is barren and precipitous. On the contrary, the north side is even and extensive and is separated hypsometrically into levels. Its lower sections are covered by rich forests. At an altitude of 1.500 or 1.600 metres the pasturages begin while past 2.000 metres vegetation is limited. The wider area around Olympos was not densely populated.

2. Olympos as a place for marginalized people

The many caves and crevasses on Olympos favoured the settlement of marginalized and persecuted people. There are testimonies, such as that by Strabo (1st century AD),2 that during Antiquity Olympos was a hideout for bandits. This information is confirmed by a funerary inscription from the Olympos region which refers to a prefect who fell victim of such bandits; the inscription dates from the same period and is now kept in the archaeological museum of Prousa.3 First Christian testimonies about Olympos are very few.4 The martyr Neophytos from Nicaea was the first anchorite who, according to a hagiological text, settled in a cave after driving away the lion that had occupied it.5 During the reign of Constantine I (the Great) (306-337), a hermite called Eutychianos attracted people to the area with his healing powers.6

3. Olympos as a Christian centre

The monastic centre of Olympos of Bithynia was associated with the lives of numerous people, both eponymous and anonymous, and made known several personages in the history of Christianity, such as Peter of Atroa, Ioannikios, Makarios of Pelekete, Loukas the Stylite, Eustratios abbot of Agaura, Constantine the Jew, Theodore of Stoudios, the missionaries to the Slavs Kyrillos and Methodios, Euthymios the Younger and the patriarchs Tarasios and Nikephoros.

4. History of the monastic centre

The inaccessible and remote nature of the region, which favoured isolation and offered reasonable safety in times of persecution, was one of the most important factors for the establishment of monasteries in the area of Olympos of Bithynia already from the 5th century.7 Moreover, the close geographic proximity to Constantinople and the existence of an important road network in Bithynia helped the development and blossoming of monastic establishments.

The complex of monasteries presupposed and further developed a cultural framework connected to the main or secondary urban centres and the road network of the wider area.8 Communication with the inhabitants of neighbouring settlements was a necessary factor for the preservation and development of these monastic establishments. Olympos and Bithynia in general were of paramount importance for the supply of Constantinople in food and other goods. The lower reaches of the Rivers Makestos and Ryndakos were navigable and boats connected Constantinople directly with Lopadion and Apollonias via the namesake lake. From here one gained access to Olympos.

Olympos developed into a model monastic centre of great intellectual radiance, the most important on Byzantine territory, from the 9th to the 11th century.9 Monastic activity on Olympos developed particularly during the Iconoclasm (726-87/815-843) and is traceable mainly in hagiological texts,10 given the complete lack of monastic typika.11 Important information is also provided in letters by individuals such as Theodore of Stoudios or the patriarch Photios, as well as in the acts of councils. It must be noted that mentions of sacred mountains in chronicles during this period were not common, since chronographers were not interested in them.12 Thus, information on Olympos from this category of sources is rare, although more common in comparison to other monastic centres. Finally, archaeological evidence, due to the lack of systematic excavations in the area, is sparse, and a few stamps referring to monasteries of the region are subsequent.

The influence of the monastic community of Olympos on ecclesiastical issues during the second iconoclastic period (815-843) was particularly important. At that time, a large number of priests and monks both from the capital and from Bithynia itself demonstrated a compromising attitude and subordination to the iconoclast Leo V (the Armenian) (813-820). Monks who remained uncompromising, as in the case of Theodore of Stoudios, found refuge in Asia Minor. Uncompromising monks found refuge in remote areas, fleeing monasteries whose abbots had expressed subordination to imperial will. In other cases, iconophile monks, on orders by their abbot, were spilt into groups and dispersed to avoid arrest. The same tactics were followed between 832-2 during the reign of Theophilos (829-842). The ascension of patriarch Methodios to the throne on 11 March 843 marked the end of the great dogmatic conflict and the beginning of a new era for the Eastern Orthodox Church, with icon worship prevailing. During the celebrations of the restoration of icons, monks from various monastic centres streamed into. It is however noteworthy that historians at the time did not comment on their origin, while others mention Olympos, the most important monastic centre of the period, only fleetingly.13 Only Joseph Genesios, in his description of the same event, recounts the monastic centres according to their importance at the time, placing Olympos of Bithynia first.14

The monastic region of Olympos had already begun to diminish from the end of the 11th century, according to Janin because of the institution of charistikia.15 Such benefices mainly affected coastal and rich monasteries which offered the opportunity of higher income; especially during the period when these were in the territory of the Empire of Nicaea (1206-1261) the area appears to have been left deserted. This view expressed by Janin does not justify the extent of the desolation. In reality, the spread of the Turkoman tribes and the danger of repeated raids during the period led to the gradual abandonment of the monasteries of Olympos.16 The fame of the monastic centre survived in its first Ottoman name. The Ottoman conquerors named Olympos Keschisch Dagh (mountain of the monks), and was later renamed it to Ulu Dagh (large mountain).

5. On the monasteries in general

Over one hundred monasteries and an even larger number of hermitages had been established on the foothills of Olympos, in the wooded area.17 The character of monachism on Olympos of Bithynia was mainly cenobitic and generally the commune is put forward in the Vitae of saints.18 There were also other forms of practice such as anchoritism in caves, cells and huts.

Olympos never was under a separate monastic regime with precisely defined territory an a protos, a monk head of the monastic community, as was later the case on Mount Athos.19 The monastic community of Olympos was not confined to the strict geographic boundaries of the mountain but included a broader area which, according to Janin, is identified with the boundaries of the metropolis of Prousa during later years, i.e. from Kios to the delta of the Ryndakos River.20 The eastern and southern boundary was uncertain.

The monasteries of Antidion, St. Zacharias, Telaos or Delis, Balaioi or Bolioi and St. Nicolas were located in the wider Atroa region on the foothills of Olympos. Mount Trichalix (mod. Abdal-Murad), the hill near Prousa is also mentioned as Mount Agaurinon in historical sources because of the existence there of the monastery of Agauros or Agauroi.21 The monastery of Agauroi had many dependencies which covered its needs, both in the Trichalix area, such as St. Agapios, George and Cosma, and further away, such as the monastery of Leukades on the road to Lopadion and the Bomoi monastery at Katabolos. The Katabolos area, quite well known, was located according to Cheynet and Flusin between Kios and Moudania (Myrleia). In the same area were located the monasteries of Boskytios, Sakkoudion, Heliou Bomoi and the Theotokos. The first two were at a short distance from each other and researchers’ opinions on their identification vary. In contrast to Menthon, who places the monasteries of Boskytios and Sakkoudion on the mountainous region of Olympos, Janin assumes that both monasteries were located to the east or the north of Kios, at Katabolos. Flusin and Cheynet, based on a quote from one of the versions of the Vita of Theodore of Stoudios, that Boskytion was located before Katabolos, suggest that the Sakkoudion monastery was further to the north, possibly to the west of the Pythian baths.22 The Heliou Bomoi monastery, also known as Elegmon, possibly a dependency of the Agauroi monastery, survives to this day in the village Kursunlu (the Greek Eligmoi or Elegmoi), in the parish of Katabolos. The Theotokos monastery was to the west of Katabolos.23

Other monasteries are mentioned in the area of Mount Alsos, which has not been located.24 It may be the mountain in the southwest section of the broader Olympos region. Mango identifies the name Alsos with Lisos. Menthon speaks of the forest of Lydia. Janin believes that Mount Alsos was near Lisos. In this area the churches of the Theotokos, the Holy Apostles and St. Eustace were built; later on these churches became monastic katholika and the so-called Kounin female monastery. To the north of the Lydia region, two kilometres from the Kalon Oros hermitage, was the monastery established by Peter of Atroa.25

1. Mount Olympion, Mount Olympiakon, Olympic and greatest mountains, see Vita Sancti Ioannicii, auctore Saba monacho, AASS, Novembris, τόμ. II pars prior (Bruxellis 1894), pp. 332-382 (BHG 935); Altera Vita Sancti Ioannicii, auctore Petro monacho, AASS, Novembris, vol.  II pars prior (Bruxellis 1894) (BHG 936), pp. 384-435, esp. 337 § 5; 338 §7; La Vie merveilleuse de saint Pierre d’ Atroa, ed. V. Laurent (Subsidia Hagiographica 29, Bruxelles 1956) (BHG 2364) §41 v. 13,9,10,14, § 50 v. 1, § 54 v. 4, § 55 v. 2 § 80 v. 8, 19. See also Janin, R., Les Églises et les Monastères des Grands Centres Byzantins (Paris 1975), pp. 126-191; Menthon, B., Tα μοναστήρια και οι άγιοι του Oλύμπου Bιθυνίας [The Monasteries and saints of Olympos in Bithynia] (trans. From French by Vasilopoulou Natalia) (Thessaloniki 1980), passim; Sansterre, J.M., Les Moines grecs et orientaux à Rome aux époques byzantine et carolingienne I (Bruxelles 1980), p. 39.

2. Cary, M. – Scullard, H. H., A History of Rome down to the reign of Constantine (London 1975), p. 397; Strabo, The Geography of Strabo, ed. E.H. Warmington, trans. H. L. Jones (London 1969), vol.1-8, ΧΙΙ, 574. The robber Kleon dominated the area of Olympos of Bithynia, just like Tillorovos in Mysia. Robert, L., Études Anatoliennes, vol. 1 (Amsterdam 1970), p. 98, n. 3, 4.

3. Janin, R., “La Bithynie sous l’empire byzantin”, Échos d' Orient 20 (1921), pp. 168-182, 301-319, esp. 128. See Robert, L., Études Anatoliennes 1 (Amsterdam 1970), p. 97-98, pl. ΧΧΙΧ. This is a funerary inscription on local stone (77 x 53 cm), either from Prousa or Adrianoi. Robert establishes Mitrodoros’ nationality and his differentiation from Roman forces.

4. Schultze preserves the tradition of the three nuns who lived near the Pythian thermae. Janin, R., Les Églises et les Monastères des Grands Centres Byzantins (Paris 1975), p. 127, n. 3; Schultze, V., Altchristliche Städte und Landschaften. II Kleinasien 1 (Gütersloh 1922-1926), p. 255; Berger, A., Das Bad in der Byzantinischen Zeit (Miscellanea Byzantina Monacensia 27, Institut für Byzantinistik und neugrichische Philologie der Universität, München 1982), p. 75.

5. Janin, R., Les Églises et les Monastères des Grands Centres Byzantins (Paris 1975), p. 127, n. 3 (BHG 1326).

6. Janin, R., Les Églises et les Monastères des Grands Centres Byzantins (Paris 1975), p. 127, n. 4; J. P. Migne (ed.), Patrologiae cursus completus Series Greca 67 (Paris 1857-1866), col. 105.

7. The first mention of a 5th-c. monastery can be found in the Vita of Hypatios, ed. G. Bartelink, Callinicos, Vie d' Hypatios (Sources Chretiennes 177, Paris 1971) (BHG 760).

8. On the road network of the region, see Janin, R., “La Bithynie sous l’empire byzantin”, Échos d' Orient 20 (1921), pp. 168-182, 301-319, esp. 179-180; Lefort, J., “Les Communications entre Constantinople et la Bithynie”, in Mango, C. –  Dagron G. (ed.), Constantinople and its Hinterland Papers from the 27th Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Oxford April 1993 (London 1995), pp. 207-218; Ramsay, W.M., The Historical Geography of Asia Minor (London 1860; repr. Amsterdam 1962).

9. Παπαχρυσάνθου, Δ., Ο αθωνικός μοναχισμός. Αρχές και οργάνωση (Athens 1992), p. 83.

10. Scholars such as Kazhdan, speak of a Mount Olympos school. They set apart a particular group of hagiological texts, some of which have common characteristics, which speak about the saints of the region and bring out the ascetic ideal of a “peaceful but saintly career”; See Kazhdan, A., A History of Byzantine Literature (650-850) in collaboration with Lee F. Sherry, Ch. Angelidi (IBE/ EIE, Athens 1999), p. 341. Clearly, the credibility of certain texts is uncertain, particularly in the case of some problematic hagiographies. The author’s contribution is also decisive to both the content and the style of a hagiographic text, depending on his level of literacy. The most important and credible Vitas regarding their approach and an understanding of the monastic community of Olympos in Bithynia, are those of Sts. Peter of Atroa and Ioannikios.

11. The Hypotyposis of Theodore Stoudites is indicative and probably was also valid for the monastery of Sakkoudion in Olympos of Bithynia. The only Typikon we have comes from the monastery of Heliou Bomoi, that is Elegmon monastery, and is of a later date (1162). See Κονιδάρης, Ι., Νομική Θεώρηση των μοναστηριακών τυπικών (Athens 1984), p. 57, no. 31; Opisanie Liturgicheskih rukopisej, khranjasshchikija v bibliotekakh pravoslavnago vostoga, vol. Ι-ΙΙΙ, ed. A. Dιmitrievskij (Kiev 1895 -1901, repr. St. Peterburgsk 1917), pp. 818-23.

12. Παπαχρυσάνθου, Δ., Ο αθωνικός μοναχισμός. Αρχές και οργάνωση (Aθήνα 1992), p. 31, n. 36. Lounghis, T. C., La Mοntagne, Quelques considérations d’après les sources byzantines, pp. 49-55, esp. 52.

13. Παπαχρυσάνθου, Δ., Ο αθωνικός μοναχισμός. Αρχές και οργάνωση (Athens 1992), p. 82, n. 84; George Kedrenos, ed. I. Bekker, Georgius Cedrenus, Ioannes Scylitzae Opera, vol. 2 (CSHB, Bonnae 1839), p. 143, Theophanes Continuatus, ed. I. Bekker (CSHB, Bonnae 1838), p. 150.

14. Genesios, Iosephi Genesii Regum Libri Quattuor, ed. A. Lesmüller-Werner – I. Thurn (CFHB 14, Berlin-New York 1978), p. 58 §3 v. 19-26.

15. On the charistikia benefice see Σβορώνος, Ν., «Οικονομία και Κοινωνία» στο Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους, vol 8 (Athens 1979), pp. 180-213, esp. 178-9; Janin, R., Les Églises et les Monastères des Grands Centres Byzantins (Paris 1975), pp. 128-9; Lemerle, P., Un aspect du rôle des Monastères à Byzance: Les Monastères donnés à des laïcs, les Charisticaires (Académie des Inscriptions & Belles -Lettres, Comptes rendus des Séances de l'année, Janvier-Mars 1967, Paris 1967), pp. 9-28.

16. On the advance of the Turks in Asia Minor see Vryonis, S., H παρακμή του Mεσαιωνικού Eλληνισμού στη Mικρά Aσία και η διαδικασία εξισλαμισμού (11ος- 15ος αιώνας) (Athens 1996), pp. 77-103, esp. 98.

17. Vita of Peter of Atroa, La Vie merveilleuse de saint Pierre d’ Atroa, ed. V. Laurent (Subsidia Hagiographica 29, Bruxelles 1956) (BHG 2364), introduction, p. 35.

18. Vita of Peter of Atroa, La Vie merveilleuse de saint Pierre d’ Atroa, ed. V. Laurent (Subsidia Hagiographica 29, Bruxelles 1956) (BHG 2364), p. 5§8.

19. Βλ.  Janin, R., Les Églises et les Monastères des Grands Centres Byzantins (Paris 1975), p. 126, where a certain monk Athanasios is mentioned, in the times of the first term of Photios as Patriarch (858-867). Athanasios seems to have had great influence on Fotios' choices. In letters (866-7) from the Patriarch there is mention of an internal dispute among the monks of the Symbolon monastery who expelled their abbot. The monks who committed such a terrible misdeed would only gain patriarchic pardon if they accepted as their abbot the individual chosen by Athanasios. Grumel, V., Les regestes des actes du Patriarcat de Constantinople, I, Les actes des Patriarches, Facs. II et III, Les Regestes de 715 à 1206. Second edition revised by J. Darrouzès ( Paris 1989), no. 491-492, pp. 117, 118.

20. Janin, R., “La Bithynie sous l’empire byzantin”, Échos d' Orient 20 (1921), (1921), pp. 168-182, 301-319, esp. 168-182; 301-319, esp.181. Darrouzès, J. (ed.), Notitiae Episcopatuum Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Paris 1981), pp. 171-183.

21. Vita Sancti Ioannicii, auctore Saba monacho, AASS, Novembris, Tomi II pars prior (Bruxellis 1894), p. 361. Altera Vita Sancti Ioannicii, auctore Petro monacho, AASS, Novembris, Tomi II pars prior (Bruxellis 1894) (BHG 936), p. 422-3; Janin, R., Les Églises et les Monastères des Grands Centres Byzantins (Paris 1975), p. 141; Menthon, B., Tα μοναστήρια και οι άγιοι του Oλύμπου Bιθυνίας [The monasteries and saints of Olympos in Bithynia] (trans. From French by Vasilopoulou Natalia) (Thessaloniki 1980), pp. 78-79 (also mentioned as Augarou), at the location Kalymnos.

22. Flusin, B. – Cheynet, “Du monastère Ta Kathara à Thessalonique : Théodore Stoudite sur la Route de l' exil”, Revue des Études Byzantines 48 (1990), pp. 193-211, esp. 208-9.

23. Halkin, F. (ed.), “La Vie de saint Nicéphore, fondateur de Médikion en Bithynie (+ 813)”, Analecta Bollandiana 78 (1960), pp. 396-430, esp. 408 (BHG 2297).

24. Vita Sancti Ioannicii, auctore Saba monacho, AASS, Novembris, Tomi II pars prior (Bruxellis 1894) §18; Altera Vita Sancti Ioannicii, auctore Petro monacho, AASS, Novembris, Tomi II pars prior (Bruxellis 1894) (BHG 936) §41, 43. Janin, R., Les Églises et les Monastères des Grands Centres Byzantins(Paris 1975), pp. 150, 164· Menthon, B., Tα μοναστήρια και οι άγιοι του Oλύμπου Bιθυνίας (μτφρ. από τα γαλλικά Βασιλοπούλου Ναταλία) (Θεσσαλονίκη 1980), p. 98.

25. The monastery’s escort consisted of over fifteen individuals who faced a serious famine as the monastery’s land remained uncultivated because of the pogroms which took place during the period of iconoclasm. La Vie merveilleuse de saint Pierre d’ Atroa, ed. V. Laurent (Subsidia Hagiographica 29, Bruxelles 1956) (BHG 2364) §49 v. 4, §50 v. 3; Life of Peter of Atroa, introduction, p. 41; Ruggieri, V., Byzantine Religious Architecture (582-867): Its History and Structural Elements (OCA 230, Roma 1991), p. 233, no. 11.
     
 
 
 
 
 

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